OUR RESILIENT DEMOCRACY

On the Occasion of Democracy and Human Rights Day

Abuja, 29 May, 2002

Fellow Nigerians, it gives me much joy and satisfaction to address you on this third anniversary of our country’s return to civil rule.

It has been three years in which the challenges have often been daunting and the choices often difficult to make. Let me salute all of you for the sacrifices you have had to make at one time or the other to demonstrate your abiding faith in the unity and future of the country.

Three years ago to this day, I spoke the hearts and minds of all Nigerians on the exciting and humbling venture which we had set for ourselves arising from the historic struggle to enthrone a lasting democratic system in the hearts of our entire existence as a people. Our heads were held high, our spirits higher, and our enthusiasm to turn our nation around and make it the embodiment of all our dreams knew no bounds.

We had come through a most horrendous and debilitating negation of all democratic values, and many Nigerians had paid dearly, even making supreme sacrifices, to bring that nightmare to an end.

May 29, 1999, was the triumph of every Nigerian, and we had every reason to expect that it would translate into major qualitative changes in our lives.

Today, three years from those heady days, our nation, in spite of the hitches, can reasonably be said to be irrevocably placed on the path of democratic governance. And the entire journey has been full of lessons which, if learnt properly, could be of immeasurable value to the future.

In fact, I believe that we have good reason today, to be confident of that future.

Our citizens have found their voices again, and their freedoms to raise those voices against injustices and transgressions. Our people are now rid of the perennial fear of unlawful treatment by self-imposed leaders.

Our institutions are coming to life again. Our factories are gradually but surely waking up from their long, involuntary slumber. Our schools are now staying open much longer than before. Our teachers are teaching. Our hospitals are becoming less the theaters of death. No Nigerian citizen is restricted in his freedom of movement, speech, or of assembly. Our courts are busy again, a clear indication that the Republic is alive and well, and that its citizens are prepared to do what they must to defend the rights they have won through their own determination and will.

The world has welcomed us back with open arms, and removed the crippling stigma and restrictions against our nation which over the years, served to compound our internal problems. We have established standards of conduct, and institutions which had the potential to curb the abuses that in the past had become integral parts of leadership in our nation. We have initiated and executed policies and programmes that sought to reverse the decaying trend of our national economy and social institutions, and made and reviewed laws which reinforced the goals of national regeneration.

We have introduced prudence and responsibility in the management of national resources, and with the amounts we carefully conserved, the three tiers of government have done more in terms of real development, than many governments have done in twice the time we have been in government.

But perhaps the greatest dividend of our democratic system is that it is still here for us to live under, learn from, and improve upon. It will get better, because as Nigerians, we have no alternative to it, and we cannot allow the limitations and inadequacies which it exhibited in the last three years to threaten its very survival.

For those who are inclined to apply a measuring scale to count the benefits and the value of our new democracy, these may seem to be small dividends indeed. But they do signify much more than is immediately visible to the eye. For they indicate that the citizens of this country know, almost by instinct, what constitutes good governance, what their lawful expectations should be, and what those whom they have freely chosen to govern them must do to sustain their support.

But no matter what our individual views may be, concerning the extent to which governments at the federal, state and local levels have succeeded or failed to provide for the material well-being of our citizens, one thing remains constant and true, and that is, we are never likely to achieve and sustain any measure of material self-fulfillment unless we first construct a political culture that is stable, responsive, equitable, and based on the rule of law.

Everyone knows that we have tested the limits of democratic system in the last three years on almost all fronts. Instead of taking full advantage of the limitless opportunities which the rule of law and the freedom guaranteed by our constitutions, may have embarked on conflicts over every perceived grievances, none of which however, is related to our economic or social well being. We have experienced contradictions among Nigerians who both believe that they are all entitled to the freedoms granted by a constitutional government, and simultaneously, tend to use those freedoms to curtail the freedoms of others.

Some of us have stretched the limits of our democratic system in the manner they have conducted themselves and their offices as elected persons. There have been numerous skirmishes, many of them unbecoming of people entrusted with such weighty mandates by our people, and most of them motivated more by egos than by steadfast respect for constitutional provisions.

Many of us have drawn barriers to dialogue and compromise around themselves, and have locked out reason and statesmanship in the conduct of their personal and official lives. We have set very low standards for our people in terms of their responses to political stimuli such that there is now fear of violence around every political activity.

Primordial groupings, disguised as cultural or regional associations have made crippling inroads into the political arena, and are, at this very moment, determining the political direction of our nation without any responsibility for their actions. Between the vacuum created by the failure of political parties to set standards, give political direction and impose discipline, and the confused and erratic signals which emanate from primordial groupings, many elected officials have set their own standards and determined their means of survival.

Oppositions, frustrated by the survive-by-all-means strategy of elected officials, have also responded by adopting extra-legal means of ousting them. An outcome of this situation, and one which we sadly live with today, is the conspicuous deviation from standards of decency, and respect for law and order by political leadership on all sides, and the recourse to organized violence to achieve political goals.

No credible election can be conducted in an environment where fear, intimidation and violence, and the people will not respect any leadership which emerges from such elections. Without credible elections, there is no credible democratic system, and all democracies have breaking limits. When they are pushed beyond the point where we presently stand, anarchy, unending and pervasive violence and even national disintegration are the only outcomes.

Fellow Nigerians, the scenario I have described is familiar to all of us, and I know that it worries all of us, leaders and citizens alike. But it is necessary, on this important anniversary of our triumphant reclamation of our democratic legacy, that we take a realistic stock, assess the journey so far, and examine what the future portends.

It is for this reason that I confess to some uneasiness today, concerning the disturbing signals that abound around us. I have absolutely no doubt that, in time, Nigeria will become a prosperous country. I am certain that, in time, our roads and hospitals will work as they should, our power and water will be constant, our children will graduate from school and be certain of gainful employment, our cities and rural areas will be free of violent hoodlums, and there will be enough food at affordable prices for everyone. I have absolutely no doubt about this.

What worries me as I speak to you today, and as we approach the coming elections, is the pervasive pessimism in the land. There seems to be a general feeling that we, as a free people, are incapable of conducting elections that can be judged by all to have been free, fair and successful. It is said that the two major democratic elections that we have held in the last twenty-three years, since 1979, have been conducted under the severe supervision of soldiers. It is said, also, that the only election conducted during the same period, with a civilian Government in power, in 1983, was a veritable disaster, and this seemed to have repeated the earlier electoral experience of 1964. There are doubts everywhere concerning the readiness or willingness of our present day political elites to play by the rules.

It is a sad commentary of our conduct in the past that Nigerians live more in fear of violence than excitement at the opportunity to exercise a choice in who governs them during elections. It is even sadder still that many Nigerians may be fast losing faith that future elections will allow them to exercise genuine choices, and many will be consigned to the role of paid voters or paid thugs as their only roles during elections.

Instead, we are told there are “experts” in these matters who sadly derive pride from their so-called skill in transforming obviously criminal behaviour into a dubious civic virtue. They are said to be capable of converting campaign stone into electoral bread. They are adept at inflating voters' registers, with a view to filling them subsequently with ghost names. They are professionals in ballot stuffing, and in the manipulation of genuine election results. They fan ethnic and religious prejudices, and insist that no sensible citizen may aspire to political office without a huge war chest brimful of often ill-gotten money, or without a private army of hoodlums whose duty is to enforce the will of their paymasters on the voters.

For such men and women, programmes and policies are meaningless. Knowledge, intelligence and experience are irrelevant. To these men and women, the contest for the support of the electorate is not to be based on the ideas of the contestants for office, or on their ability to persuade their fellow citizens that they can make a genuine difference if voted into office. Instead, they thrive on the basest and lowest forms of sentiment, and hold the view that the only thing that matters in an election is victory, no matter how it is achieved. And in the end it is victory to serve interest of self and a clique and not victory for the service of the nation.

The end result of this sub-culture of deceit and cynicism is that it makes nonsense of all the principles and values which we all cherish. It exposes us to the ridicule of the civilised world. It creates the misleading impression that we as a people have not reached the age of maturity, and cannot be trusted to govern ourselves, without supervision by the military. And it ultimately destroys the very basis of democratic rule, which has always been that at appropriate intervals, the people must have the right to freely choose those who will govern them.

Fellow Nigerians, I totally reject this view of politics, and I know that a great majority of Nigerians do as well. I am convinced that this great country has a large number of men and women of integrity, vision, and commitment who do not have vast war chests or vast private armies, but who are prepared to serve their country selflessly, if given a chance. These are the men and women we should seek out and support. For it is through them that we can redeem ourselves, and demonstrate to ourselves, and to the rest of the world, that our commitment to democracy is strong and unshakable.

Incumbents in political office at all levels must not see their current positions as a permanent, God-given right which may not be challenged by other citizens. They must be prepared, if they desire to be returned to office, to go back to the electorate and show what they have contributed to the growth and development of our country, and what they would do, if returned. They must mobilise their constituents and encourage them to register as voters.

They must persuade them to discharge their civic duty of going to the polls on election dates, to exercise the most important right they possess, which is the right to express an opinion on who they believe should govern them. They must resist the temptation to see political office as an investment from which they expect personal, monetary returns. And they must actively discourage the use of violence or the threat of violence as a means of achieving victory at the polls.

As we approach elections, we should bear in mind that our Constitution and electoral laws provide that political parties are the only instruments through which citizens may canvass for votes. There is no room for independent candidates. Consequently, this imposes a grave responsibility on our existing political parties, and those that will be formed. The Parties must see themselves as the agents through which the necessary discipline is imposed on their members.

Fellow Nigerians, we stand at a major cross-road. The manner in which we resolve these disputes will largely determine the future of our political activities. This will be the most supreme test of our commitment to the survival of a credible democratic system, and every Nigerian has a role to play in this immediate task. Beyond the resolution of these immediate issues, the political arena will now assume higher levels of activity, with the forthcoming Local Government elections and general elections next year.

At the Presidential Retreat on the Electoral Process and Violence which was held in Abuja early this year, all participants agreed that the most serious danger to our democratic system is the entrenchment of violence in the political process, and demanded that all leaders, including political party leaders, immediately find solutions to it. Indeed, the Retreat even explicitly traced most of the communal and religious conflicts we have witnessed to cynical political manipulation by leaders to carve areas of exclusive political control.

Regrettably, even low-level political events such as recent Party Ward Congresses across the nation have manifested the seriousness of the threat of violence, which is both a confirmation of the observation of that Retreat, and a major indictment of the political leadership in the country.

I am convinced that finding a solution to this specter represents the biggest single challenge facing our nation today. Political violence is the manifestation of the worst form of corruption in a society, because it erodes legitimacy and respect for governments, and citizens become cynical and indifferent to its actions and demands upon them. I am also convinced that we can, and must, find a solution to it immediately. In the consultations I have been engaged in the recent past, I found a huge reservoir of support and goodwill among many Nigerians on the need to take some decisive action in this area, and I intend to facilitate, along with my Party, another avenue where it will be tackled.

In this regard, I am pleased to note that the three existing parties have been meeting to work out a joint code of conduct, with the necessary sanctions in the event of its breach, that would guide the general conduct of Party members, during the campaigns and the coming elections. It is my hope that the new parties will see the wisdom in this course of action, and voluntarily participate in this effort.

In this context, I am pleased to announce that the National Assembly has been presented with a Bill for a law intended to prohibit violence in the conduct of our national politics. I have written to all party leaders about this Bill, asking for their support and for them to encourage party members in the National Assembly to consider it expeditiously and pass it into law. Among the unique features of this Bill is the provision to compensate victims of political violence by the resources of the perpetrators. Also, there is no immunity from prosecution by virtue of holding elective office, since the Bill provides for prosecution of such persons after the expiration of their term of office.

This is the time for us all to prove the cynics wrong and to demonstrate that we in Nigeria do cherish our freedoms, freedoms that we have earned through our sweat and blood. We must collectively show the world that we do not need the intervention of the military, nor of any other agency outside our shores, to conduct elections that are manifestly free and fair in Nigeria. We must prove, especially to ourselves, that incumbent civilian administrations can indeed conduct elections in which they could be losers, and that the highest and noblest objective in politics must be the good of the people, and not the convenience of those who govern.

Let me reiterate that while it is an obligation of governments to continue to seek the material improvement of the lives of its citizens, we must not lose sight of a far more fundamental duty of government, which is to provide comfort for the people in an environment of equity, justice, fairness, and adherence to law and regulations. It is impossible to speak of a climate of collective material well-being, in the absence of a just political order. Material development will come. But we have to be willing and able to achieve it through political means that fully satisfy our commitment to freedom of choice and of assembly.

Governments cannot, alone, bring this about. It is the obligation of all citizens, men and women, the young and the old, to constantly strive to create the political environment in which development can flourish. On this third anniversary of the return of our freedoms, and of our Administration in office, I invite you all, fellow compatriots, to join me in the patriotic task of achieving, this time, what we have never before been able to achieve in our democratic history: free elections in which free citizens participate, and in which, without let or hindrance, they freely choose who shall govern them. We, as individuals, can never achieve this on our own. But together, and by the grace of God, we shall surely triumph.

Now, a word on the Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission, otherwise known as the Oputa Panel. That Commission as you heard and saw yesterday, has handed over the report of its nearly three years of fruitful work.

On behalf of myself, the federal, state and local governments and the people of Nigeria, I want to once again thank the Chairman and all the members of that Commission for doing a good job.

My decision to appear publicly before the Commission was informed by my personal belief that we must seek to clarify the past and find the ways of moving forward by making amends where and when necessary. It was motivated by my belief that the Commission was set up to help us come to terms with our past and not to blackmail anyone. We are determined to carefully go through the various recommendations made and see how best we can take on the various responsibilities that have been assigned to the various agencies of government such as the judiciary, the police and the security services.

To start with, the Federal Government accepts the recommendation of the Commission that a popular version of the Report will be made available for ordinary Nigerians to bring the human rights culture closer to every nook and corner of our society.

Furthermore, the Government will soon announce the membership of an Implementation Committee which will oversee the implementation of some of the aspects of the recommendations which tally with existing Government policies. This Committee will, among other things, liaise with the relevant ministries to harmonise their views on how to make the Report available to Nigerians and the international community after the release of the White Paper by the Federal government.

Also, mindful of the need to keep the nature of our struggles in the popular mind, the Government is happy to accept the recommendation of the Commission in respect of concrete efforts at immortalising our heroes and heroines. In this regard, May 29 of each year will henceforth be Democracy and Human Rights Day. I believe this annual reminder will enhance the attention given to human rights. It will still remain a day of thanksgiving, reflection and celebration.

To advance the process of reconciliation in Ogoni land, we accept reference to 'Ogoni 13' instead of 'Ogoni 4' and 'Ogoni 9', and we will strongly encourage the erection of suitable and befitting memorial in honour of the distinguished Ogoni sons who fell victims to violations of human rights.

Fellow Nigerians, our freedom from the colonial yoke in 1960 marked the birth of modern Nigerian nation. Since that time the task of nation building has entailed agony for a large number of Nigerians at various times. The tragic civil war is an extreme example and a particularly painful illustration, as confirmed by the Commission when mere mention of this episode evoked intense emotions from a wide segment of the society. Today, it is not really important who was right or wrong. The most significant point would be for us to establish what is right and what is wrong, and live by the principles that so derive from such awareness. Let us judge the sad episodes of our history as phases of growing pains of our nation.

In fact the broad picture of the Commission’s findings is that in the course of nation building many things went wrong: as communities turned against communities, social groups against other social groups, religious groups infringed on the rights of other religious groups, individuals impinged on the rights and freedom of other individuals, political associations have been violently intolerant of other political associations, and our national institutions fought each other in battle for supremacy and control.

If we work from this broad picture, any attempt to chronicle transgressions in our society and apportioning blame for them, would reveal that history indicts all Nigerians. Let us realise and fully appreciate that the greatness of our nation, indeed of any nation, its unity and strength, are as resilient as the weakest link in the chain. It is only natural that the perceived strongest chain, which is the leadership of the day, gets the maximum blame for the shortcomings of the society. But it is equally true, as a Nigerian saying puts it, that it is the crooked tree that makes an amateur look like a professional climber. This is a sad reminder of the observation by sociologists that ultimately a society gets the leadership it deserves. The truth here cannot be entirely denied in our relationship with deviant and erring leaders who have risen in our midst.

However, the findings of the Commission provide us with the opportunity to ask ourselves some very fundamental questions relating to whatever sins of omission and commission we may have committed as individuals and groups. This is a situation where none of us can play the game of sitting on the fence by using the defects of the system - out there - as excuse. We must admit that the system is the sum total of our collective attitudes. In fact we owe the system an apology. The suffering of every victim is the suffering of the society. The perpetrator of all violence and misdeed owes apology to the individual victims, but ultimately to the nation as a whole.

When we draw the historical lines of transgression in our society, there are the victims and the beneficiaries, and there is no one in our society that these lines do not cross, directly or indirectly, by omission or by commission, or even by derivation such that all of us have in time either been wronged or have wronged others.

For the nation’s journey of restoration to commence in earnest, we must all identify our roles in making Nigeria what it is today. Whereas it is evident that the state and its agents have wronged Nigerians, it is also important for us all to collectively find out how we can turn these instruments of state from being instruments of oppression to instruments for salvation and service to its citizens.

At this moment in history, I, as chief executive of the Federation, and being at the pinnacle of leadership in the country, am prepared to accept that the proverbial buck of the blame stops at my desk. I therefore wish to offer my full apology to all Nigerians in general, and to direct victims in particular, for all misdeeds and transgressions perpetrated in time and in the course of our evolution as a nation and a society, which by omission or commission, have caused unwarranted suffering to individuals and groups alike, marred our relationships within the society and retarded the progress and development of the nation.

For the sake of the living and the dead, let us put bitterness behind us and ask God for mercy and forgiveness for our nation so that we can together with the dead and the living walk tall as a people and a nation. I call on all segments of the Nigerian society, from individual members of families, communities, professional bodies and indeed the entire society to embrace reconciliation and forgiveness.

I believe that this new chapter of peace and reconciliation should be set on a special foundation. I am therefore calling on all Nigerians, irrespective of their faiths, to embark on three days of prayer and fasting, beginning from next Friday, the 31^st of May, to Sunday the 2^nd of June. Let our prayers focus on forgiveness by God and forgiveness and repentance among ourselves. Let us mark the experience of these three days as the beginning of genuine spiritual regeneration, righteousness, reconciliation, love and brotherhood in Nigeria.

May God bless each and every Nigerian!

May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria!

Long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria!

I thank you.